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Estudio exploratorio-descriptivo con abordaje cualitativo. It is diluted in society, polymorphous, multifaceted, and has several intertwined manifestations that interact, feed back, and strengthen themselves.
This definition is anchored in the analytical concept of gender, designating male and female behavior rooted in socio-cultural elements that individuals have inherited from their forebears.
In in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, 93 women were killed, victims of domestic violence, more than two women dead per week. In the national ranking of female homicides Rio Grande do Sul occupies 18th place, with cases per women. To this end, the health care system requires prepared and trained professionals to provide a comprehensive and problem-solving assistance to women.
Such reflections oriented the present study, whose guiding question was: What actions does the nurse perform in caring for women in gender violence situations, and what limitations are faced in this context? To identify the actions conducted by primary health care nurses for women in situations of violence. When one comes to understand that violence is a serious public health problem, especially in primary care—which requires specialized professionals, mainly nurses within a multidisciplinary team, as well as a network of qualified support—it becomes possible to apply measures to deal with violence.
The production of knowledge in Nursing aims to strengthen and clarify concepts, define actions, and devise management strategies relating to the subject of gender violence.
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Thus it is believed that nurses' performance within this context can contribute to early identification, prevention, quality of care, and the combat of violence against women. Study participants were 17 randomly-selected nurses who met the following inclusion criteria: To determine the number of participants we used sampling saturation, which stops the data collection at the existing number of subjects when new interviews are noted to represent a quantity of repetitions in their content.
The interviews were conducted by the lead author of this paper, based on a script prepared by the researchers composed of questions about the work of nurses in the context of gender violence; actions and tools that they use in the treatment of women in situations of violence; knowledge about policies and laws dealing with the subject; and whether nurses felt empowered to perform this function. At that time, the informed consent form was presented and explained to the participants and signed by them.
There were no refusals to participate in the survey.
To ensure confidentiality we used a code with the letter I Interviewee and ordinary numerals in ascending order to identify the participants I1, I2, The interviews lasted on average thirty minutes, and were audio recorded and later transcribed for content analysis, which consisted of three steps: In the analysis we highlighted words that formed the core of the meanings, composing two categories: Therefore, the duration of the relationship or connection and involvement with the women enables the nurse to approach this experiential context: We, nurses, sometimes know about the problem because the Community Health Agent sees many things in the home visit and tells us about them, because we perceive in her speech, we see in her expression that there is something more!
But she does not verbalize, she does not open herself up, she does not speak I01 ; Sometimes even when doing the screening test for uterine cancer, you know? Sometimes they open a little more, because then you will even see their bodies, you will examine, over time, because it is very difficult for them to come and say spontaneously, 'then I was raped, I suffered abuse, then I suffered violence [ I02 ; A woman in a violent situation, for you to identify requires some talking time, you have to fish for information during the conversation with her because it is not a thing that comes out spontaneously I In terms of acting in the context of violence, nurses describe some elements and strategies they use that allow recognition and action in fighting violence, including acceptance and empathy; establishment of a bond and trust between professional and woman; and dialogue and intent listening: Certainly, the technical side is very important, but if you are not able to connect with her in an empathetic way, the woman will not be open to our care [ I01 ; At first it is to welcome and see what needs to be resolved first!
I17 ; While she has no real confidence in the professional she does not open the reality of her life for you I11 ; When I have a bond with the woman! As I have with most, I visit and talk to them and see what's going on I16 ; Hearing the woman, listening and not pretending you're listening! Because then you are not qualified I03 ; The talk is always very open! Many of them talk like a confession to us, not as a denouncement I04 ; The service is mainly for guidance.
So we listen, provide guidance.
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We try to listen to what she has and from there I show her what is available for her, what can help her I The nurses also reported that referrals to intervention services are an integral part of care for women in situations of violence.
The following excerpts show this: That's how you do it I10 ; We always attempt to refer them; if it is a physical aggression to the Military Police to make the police report, and if it is sexual violence we have to refer them to the reference hospital for care as needed and according to the type of violence that happened I Limitations to nursing action in cases of gender violence The limitations mentioned by nurses while acting in situations of gender violence include: No, I do not feel qualified!
Because the teaching is very deficient in this matter, even during graduate school. I think I learned only vaguely, without the mention of humanized care. In the initial reception I feel capable, but I do not feel very capable in some referrals, because I do not have knowledge of all possible referrals, and how to act in this situation is a very complex problem, involving children, family, justice I06 ; I do not feel qualified!
I think I miss more training on how to approach her. A lot is based on our way of working, but I do not know how to approach, how to best make her bring it up and how to effectively help her I12 ; We need to be available to listen and sometimes we cannot.
Lack of time, right? We are always full of things to do, a lot of work, we end up not giving everything we have to do that service I09 ; Often the nurse's situation is quiet, often it entails pretending you're not seeing the situation through the trouble.
The situation ends up being masked by other situations, but the issue of violence itself ends up being disguised I11 ; The difficulties are that we do not always see resoluteness in the service I14 ; I find it difficult to believe they are convinced about the denunciation. While being passionate to images we surrender to their fascination.
And visibility has become in these hypermodern times a core value in politics. In a mediatization context where the informational flow is constant and instantaneous, visibility acquires a new political status: In this process of making politics more perceptible, subjecting it to the scrutiny of public opinion, the technological devices of symbolic mediation has an obvious role enabling new forms of communication.
Indeed, the media- tized communication cannot be considered only as a technical transmission of information; on the contrary, all the symbolic nature of media creates new com- municational forms of action and interaction between individuals Thompson, The way mediatization is moving towards a greater transparency of procedures, leads to the creation of a new political stage in which media helped to build and in which new strategic opportunities take shape.
If visibility is, in modernity, a political operator of scandal, political exploitation of public com- motion is relatively new. Indeed, visibility makes transparency a supplement of belief: In this sense, visibility is almost a synonym for authenticity and immediacy.
This visibility as a strategy of personal presentation of the politician was not born with the advent of television but it was because of television that it reached a fundamental importance in politics. Infor example, sixty mil- lions of people watched on television the famous Checkers Speech where, for thirty minutes, Senator Richard Nixon - publicly accused of being responsible of financial irregularities — refutes the charges through a revelation of his personal motives and good intentions.
By exposing his private life, stating and showing the benevolence of his character, confiding intimate details of his life, Nixon has shifted attentions from his acts to the integrity of his character. He spoke not only of the republicanism of his wife, but also about their passion for dogs and in particular his dog Checkers. This speech might just be the example of how the visibility of private affairs started to work politically in an emotional way.
It is necessary to distinguish two main senses in the word visibility. The emergence of technological devices of symbolic mediation and the creation of a digital public sphere came to intensify, not just the visibility understood MATRIZes V.
In other words, we will use the word visibility in a perceptive and sensory sense as that which is given to do and being watched thus becoming something visual ; and, at the same time, visibility as everything acquiring a set of symbolic meanings related to particular events thus becoming something we are aware of.
When dealing with the literal and the metaphorical sense of visibility are not reiterating the polysemy of the term, but underlining how a complex social phenomenon has two aspects related to each other. Visuality and visibility are therefore intertwined and interrelated terms.
Visibility is an extension of visuality impregnated with the symbolic Brighenti, Symbols may be con- ceived as specific relationships in the field of visibilities that make precisely something recognizable. In fact, it may be difficult to totally separate the visual and the visible. To assume the visibility is therefore to accept the visual infused by the symbolic.
Thus, to say that something is visible points not only to a perceptive behavior but also for a matter of collective interest and social relevance. It is precisely this segmentation of senses that connects visibility, not just to visuality but also to publicness. We should ask ourselves about the nature of social relations when this articula- tion is at stake. This task is so much more important to publicness the better we realize that the intersection between aesthetics and politics is inevitable in contemporary society.
At a time where so ubiquitous and immediate media thrive, it is fundamental to ask about the levels of visibility of social activity.
In fact, to publicly delineate and manage their own visibilities is something that all social agents do at a daily basis. However, with the emergence of technolo- gies of the image and the internet, this task of defining the field of visible has become more demanding. In this paper we ponder on the role of mediatization in contemporary vis- ibility tracing some political consequences. After preliminary considerations about the mediatization of publicness and the relationship between visibility, power and social control, we will deepen some sociocultural factors involved in the outbreak of visibilities in politics, and we will end on the classification of typical regimes of visibility in media.
Thus, an event became public when it was represented before a diversity of individuals physically present who watched and testified directly its develop- ment for example, in public executions of medieval convictions. With the modern consolidation of media, the publicness of copres- ence was not extinguished but begins to be supplemented by new forms of publicness. With the emergence of press, publicness stops to rely only on visuality the literal and sensory sense of visibility to assume the direction of something that is symbolically visible or recognized by society what we previously referred as the metaphorical sense of visibility.
With the press, a topic becomes public without necessarily involve a dialogical interaction since the reader is not a potential participant as in the case of the public- ness of copresence but a mere reader, someone who reads what the press reports. With the printing, publicness suffers the influence of mediatization and visibility is no longer wholly dependent on direct testimony of sensory perception and visuality.
With the advent of printing, the link between publicness and sensory perception has been transformed. An action or event could now acquire a public status to those who had not been present at the place of its occurrence Thompson, Hence, the mediatization of the publicness has brought an explosive expansion of visibility: With media, publicness has differentiated itself from the copresence model and the visibility of events became separated from the need to share the same place and the same time.
So, the field of vision is no longer constrained by the here and now of temporal properties, being even modeled by the characteristics of media communication Thompson, Media have, thus, introduced a non-localized publicness and non- dialogical, in which a plurality of symbolic forms visual and extravisual are expressed and received by a multitude of individuals in a non-simultaneous nor copresencial manner.
While visibility in the publicness of copresence is located and mutual the others are visible to us and we are visible to them because we all share the same spatiotemporal definitionsin mediatized pub- licness visibility breaks free from the shackles of space and time and becomes MATRIZes V.
Now visibility stretches in space distant events can be seen live and in time past events can easily be retrieved. The mediatization of publicness opens thereby the visibility: Something is visible that is, it becomes a public and socially relevant issue not only because it can be directly seen but also because becomes object of public awareness.
Media intervention on publicness has thus created new ingenious spaces where vis- ibility images, speeches and a whole variety of symbolic forms can suddenly appear and be put to the public eye. Furthermore, with the modern media like television and the web, vis- ibilities win two fundamental attributes: The audience is not allowed to choose the angle of view, or select what they want to see.
On the other hand, the spectator may testify that somewhere in the world individuals are being filmed or photographed, but those seen individuals may not themselves perceive who watch them.
The visibility of the television or on the internet therefore emphasizes a radical contrast between visibility and invisibility, between those who see and are not seen, and those who do not see and are seen. Secondly, the actions and events reported on those media become visible to a larger number of individuals which may be found scattered across the planet and living with significant time differences among themselves.
In contrast with the few hundreds or thousands of people who witness an event in the context of copresence, media provide a global visibility to billions of people. The mediatization of publicness and the above-mentioned transformations exemplify how contemporary visibility asks original modes of dealing with a wider public exposure which is manifested not only quantitatively - the number of people who potentially assist the particular event — but also qualitatively — on the asymmetry between the visibility of those who are seen and the invisibility of those who see.
Taking this into account we should acknowledge that visibility struggles are of central importance in contemporary politics not just recognition struggles as emphasized by Honneth. It is evident that the public arena has expanded with the development of the modern media. And this means a huge oppor- tunity and at the same time a great risk, as we will see. Politicians now have the opportunity to appear before the citizens, to be known, to perform in the flesh, not just as statesmen but, above all, as individuals with whom the media audiences can identify with.
To put it another way, power is conceived as a form of external visibility its effects associated with the total internal invisibility its decisions.
While the effects of power are evident to anyone, the government operations should not be shown, but kept in secret ex: Thus, according to the arcana imperii tradition it is the invisibility that reinforces power. For him, everything that stays in the shade or in the opacity tends to weaken politics given that only the transparency of power may promote the rationality of the laws. However, as we all know, the most influential model to understand the relationship between visibility and power is due to Foucaultwhich describes the organization of power in modern Western societies departing from the panoptic model of Jeremy Bentham.
The power scheme was based on the visibility of an elite as a means to exert power over the rest of the population. Foucault argues that from the 16th century on, the spectacularization and visibility of power gave rise to disciplinary forms of surveillance that progressively infiltrate themselves in various fields of everyday life. The hospital and the prison, for example, began to employ subtle mechanisms of exercise of power based on discipline, in the examination, on the observation and on recording.
From a visibility of some is follows a visibility when many are observed by a few, as this panoptic visibility controls the gaze. Who is subjected to a field of visibility, and who knows it, takes its account of the limitations of power; make it work spontaneously upon himself; inscribes in himself the power relationship in which he simultaneously plays two roles: Thus, by internalizing surveillance, the panoptic translates a new model of organization of power in modern societies.
Each individual is the subject of mul- tiple gazes that scrutinize him and induce him to voluntarily adopt a certain behavior.
Visibility Regimes in Mediatized Publicness | Samuel Mateus - withoutyouitsjustnot.us
While the panoptic model can be observed in the use of common surveillance cameras as a dissuasive factor cf. Lyon,as well as in all devices every day map our activities from the ATM to the biometric terminals for control of assiduitythe panoptic as a generalizable model of the exercise of power in modern societies is unconvincing Thompson, Media can certainly work in this disciplinary regime of visibility, but this is clearly not their sole register.
If Foucault questioned the role of the media in the management of visibilities, he would for sure conclude that media came to draw attention to the existence of new logics between visibility and power that cannot be exhausted in this panoptic model.
To be sure, what the mediatization of publicness really introduced was the opportunity given to vast amounts of individuals to witness at safe distance the behavior of their peers. Modern media aware of the panoptic visibility where a majority is observed by a minority nurture another relationship between visibility and power in which precisely those who wield political power minority are the same who are subject to the public scrutiny of their lives by citizens majority.
Thus, one can declare that the electronic media, more than a panoptic model, induct in our societies a synoptic model cf. While in these societies sovereign and subjects shared the same spatiotemporal copresence publicness, with mediatization the synoptism is now, not located nor dialogic.
As matter of fact, the explosion of visibilities that occurred with the mediatization of publicness brings new difficulties for politicians because they cannot completely control the effects of the ubiquity of its visibility see Thompson, The synoptism represents, then, a new type of political fragility.
Today, politicians have to be prepared for the possibility of being photographed or filmed. Each gaffe, scandal or leak potentially threat control and management of the public image that every politician wants to exhibit.
But how do politicians seek to deal with the public scrutiny of their permanent visibility? What kind of politics this synoptism inspires?
And in what way the management of appearances has adapted to this broad field of visibility? Indeed, newsroom editors as W. Stead in Britain and Joseph Pulitzer in the United States of America fulfilled the claim of the press as a watch-dog of the political power, developing an entire investigative tradition of journalism muckracking journalism that quickly exposed the secrets and hidden aspects of political functioning.
By extension, with the exposure of state secrets came the revelation of personal confidences: On the other hand, the very political culture has undergone profound transformations throughout the 20th century, facilitating the blurring of the boundaries between the public and the private.
To be true, party politics based on traditional social classes has weakened significantly in the post-war period. Faced with the complexity of contemporary societies, individuals were no longer, according to Thompson It was in this historical context that the question of credibility and trust acquired a central role. People began to value more the character of its politi- cal leaders than the ideals or ideologies of the party.
So, it was in a time where trust has evolved more than ever into a central value of politics that visibility became a test for credibility. And this in two paradoxical ways: However, on the other hand, it is precisely this visibility that can help build the credibility necessary to win the trust of the electorate.
In this light we can understand why a scandal concerning the private life of a politician is seen as having a huge political significance: So, a distinctive way of dealing with the public exposure of politicians is to build a credible personality in whom people can trust.
In this process, the political man search the best way to gain charisma. In all periods of history we find examples of a charismatic domination in which an individual acquires an extraordinary quality and is endowed with an exceptional power, seen qualitatively as a superhu- man or supernatural being Weber, The charismatic dominion can arise because there are a number of persons willing to follow it.
Consequently, the charismatic personality ends when it loses the support of its followers, when they cease to believe in the supremacy of this charismatic leadership. With the advent of mediatized publicness and the expansion of fields of vision Thompson, While still relying on the panvisibility and scrutiny of synoptism, the politicians seem today to bet on their own appeal.
In a world of mediatization, how would the politician oppose the risks of his own visibility? He seeks now to become a charismatic figure. And does so, diverting attention from his actions to his real intentions, and by subordinating the ideological commitment to his own morality. Accordingly, the political charisma still depends of an emotional com- munity as Weber argued.